The Real Petronius and Papua New Guinea Railroads

By PAUL OATES in Queensland, Australia

 

(The following information is taken from the Wikipedia site.)

“In recent times, a popular quote on reorganization is often (but spuriously) attributed to a Gaius Petronius. In one version, it reads:

We trained hard ... but it seemed that every time we were beginning to form up into teams we would be reorganized. I was to learn later in life that we tend to meet any new situation by reorganizing; and a wonderful method it can be for creating the illusion of progress while producing confusion, inefficiency, and demoralization.

A shortened version occasionally seen (as on http://huizen.nhkanaal.nl/~rickdos/kwot.htm, which to do the web-page author justice, lists it as an ``annoying quote'', and on Martin F. Falatic's http://enteract.com/~marty/quotes-short.html, which does not) is:

Reorganization is a splendid method of producing the illusion of progress whilst creating confusion, inefficiency and demoralization (Petronius Arbiter, 60 A.D.)

But apparently, the real Petronius Arbiter never wrote these words. They have reputedly never been found in his writings.

So who is the REAL Petronius?

The following appears on page 162 of Robert Townsend's Up the Organization (New York: Knopf, 1970): I was to learn later in life that we tend to meet any new situation by reorganizing; and a wonderful method it can be for creating the illusion of progress while producing confusion, inefficiency, and demoralization. Townsend cites ``Petronius Arbiter (circa A.D. 60).'' Another quote from Townsend (page 7): ``And God created the Organization and gave it dominion over man.’’... Genesis 1, 30A, Subparagraph VIII: which tells us how reliable Townsend is.

Is Townsend the sought-for perpetrator? Many think so, but it seems more likely he is simply an early continuator into print of a long-standing bulletin-board joke. Many correspondents, most notably Richard Dengrove, have told me about a note by J. P. Sullivan in the May 1981 Petronian Society Newsletter (12(1), p.1) addressing this important question. Quoting (without permission):

... let me give my tentative account, which I hope other readers can correct, of its provenance. Some disgruntled soldier of a literary bent, whether commissioned or noncommissioned I do not know, pinned this ``quotation'' to a bulletin board in one of the camps of the armies occupying Germany sometime after 1945 (the style suggests a British occupying force). Since the sentiment is impeccable, whether applied to military, governmental, or academic administration, it has enjoyed a cachet borrowed from Petronius ever since.

(To which I might add, sometimes I think it applies to administration in the business world, too.)”

So why do these words seem to resonate so loudly in today’s society to the extent that they are quoted on walls and on notice boards? Could it be because we can clearly see the axiomatic truth behind them?

In the early 1980’s, when the current craze of workstations started to over take from the traditional office accommodation for government employees, it seemed like almost every second workstation had a copy of the Petronius quote pinned to the wall. It was for some reason noticeably absent from senior officers and notice boards outside Ministerial offices.

Could it be that ordinary workers were trying to express their feelings by using a ‘surrogate’ quotation?

A common point of exasperation with many government employees was the continual changing of departments and responsibilities. While the name of the department might change change, the function it performed usually didn’t. The real beneficiaries always seemed to be the printers who were required to print new stationary for the new department and the paper industry who had to keep the supply of paper up with the latest government changes. In the early 1970’s, a reported, worldwide paper shortage resulted in at least six separate memos from each level of government being sent to every TPNG outstation warning of the paper shortage and requesting that only essential correspondence be sent in on paper.

A recent state premier always had a ready answer for the question about what was the government doing about something? “I have a plan!” he would say. Whether that particular plan actually worked or not was immaterial. It was a very good foil to any further questions and allowed him to talk about what he wanted.

Most government departments always seem to change after any election. This seems to fit in quite well to the claimed Petronius system of ‘change creating an illusion of progress’. Governments and Ministers must be seen to be doing something to justify their own existence even though the real reason they are put in power is to achieve results. It’s only after being elected that first time politicians actually find that achieving results is very difficult whereas creating a climate of ‘smoke and mirrors’ is actually quite easy.

The problem in these days of hyper quick information dissemination is that the process of change has become entrenched as never ending and an ever more frequent alternative to actually doing anything. Government employees that are trying to cope with the last upheaval then seem to be drowned in the next ‘tsunami’ of yet another change or a new idea to provide a diversion from reality.

In a recent article (*)  below, the PNG Parliament is to consider the possibility of introducing railroads as a remedy for the country’s ailing transport system.  Now on the surface, this is a good proposal to make. Afterall, many countries use rail as a cheap and practical transportation system and if run commercially, it can be economically viable.

Let’s therefore look at the potential viability of PNG having a railroad system. Firstly, a railway logically requires roiling stock. This would have to be bought from somewhere along with the necessary expertise and training to operate this new equipment. Initially, expenditure would be ‘front ended’ and huge. Then a network of rail links would have to be constructed to enable the rolling stock to move people and cargo around. Railway engines to pull the new rolling stock would have to be bought and a decision made as to what method of locomotion the engine would use.

Now, should it be coal fired, diesel driven or electric? Given the lack of any natural coal deposits and that coal is currently politically ‘on the nose’; clearly this would not be a good choice. Then the availability of an uninterrupted supply of electricity is essential to ensure a train doesn’t get stalled on a line between stations. Moresby residents may therefore have a view about this factor, given the numerous power interruptions and spikes that have happened in the past. The logical choice would then be diesel power to run the new ‘locos’. This is an obvious choice since there is already the knowledge and expertise to run diesel engines available and the product is already imported to run the current transport methods using road and sea.

There are two island states nearby where railways have been in operation and these could be used for comparison with PNG. Firstly, Tasmania has a rail link between the North and South of the country but this is only used for freight. The other island state, New Zealand, also seems to use rail for freight purposes as well. Apparently, passengers prefer road and air travel.  Whoops! What a ‘downer’!

While New Zealand is in the Pacific Ring of Fire, the effects of this factor are mostly restricted to the North Island. Earthquakes in PNG often disrupt current road transport arrangements with landslides and wash ways. What would this do to a fixed and solid train line made up of iron tracks that must be at a constant distance apart from each other and on a firm foundation? How would any repairs be made to twisted and broken tracks unless a service road was nearby?

But if there logically had to be a service road nearby any potential railway track, and this service road could be easily repaired as are PNG roads now, why have a railroad at all?

Now if the current PNG transport system is not working or needs proper funding to repair it, then clearly this is beyond the scope of current government expertise. Therefore, why not try something else? Afterall, by the time that any new alternative is found to require exactly the same skills and dedication to make it work as do the current alternatives, those who are currently championing the idea will have their government superannuation schemes to enjoy and be long gone.

So who is the real Petronius? Why it’s all of us who can see what’s happening but apparently can’t do anything about it.

________________________________________________________________________

 

 

* Post Courier News

     Friday 17th July, 2009

 

 

Railway proposal before Parliament

 

By Gorethy Kenneth

 

PARLIAMENT was given notice yesterday for the proposed introduction of

railways as an alternative means of transport for Papua New Guinea.

The notice of motion came from National Capital District Governor Powes

Parkop who said this new mode of transport would help with the current

growing number of people in the country.

Yesterday his motion was read by the Clerk of Parliament for the Bill to be

enacted.

It read: "Mr Speaker, I give notice- that I shall move that this Parliament

recognises railways as an alternative mode of transport in Papua New Guinea

and accordingly call upon the National Government to:

. ENDORSE a feasibility study for two pilot projects for a railway network

to connect Kerema in Gulf Province with Port Moresby and Alotau in Milne Bay

and from Lae in Morobe Province to Kassam Pass and Madang

. THE Engineering Department of the Papua New Guinea University of

Technology be engaged to do a feasibility study on these two projects in

view of the study that they have already undertaken previously into this

mode of transport.

. Consider the project as a priority and provide adequate funding or the

feasibility study to commence immediately

. Seek funding from international donors for technical assistance for the

project and engage into dialogue with possible investors and donors to

secure funding for the two pilot rail projects in the country and

. Encourage affected Provincial Governments to provide support to the two

projects particularly Gulf, Milne Bay, Morobe, Madang and the National

Capital District Commission to ensure that this pilot project is implemented

as soon as possible.

Back on the road again!

I’ll be on the road for the next couple of days with the good guys from my ex employer, the Coffee Industry Corporation, in Goroka.

I’ll be flying up there tomorrow, driving up to Simbu where I overnight, on to Minj in the great Wahgi Valley of the Western Highlands on Thursday, and drive back to Aiyura in the Eastern Highlands on Friday.

I spend Saturday at Aiyura, travel back to Goroka on Sunday morning, and catch a flight back to Port Moresby.

I’ll be working on a newspaper supplement for the District-By-District Coffee Rehabilitation Programme run by the CIC.

I’m looking forward to the trip and should have a lot of yarns and pictures to share.

I’ll keep you posted if I find any internet cafes alongside the Highlands Highway.

 

My first 100 days in power

My first 100 days in power...I have not touched a drop of alcohol or a cigarette in 100 days and have never felt better in my life.

New university campus to open in East Sepik

Entrance to the once-thriving Sepik Agricultural College

Bush takes over a property of the Sepik Agricultural College

Prof Philip Siaguru (left) looks with concern at the skeleton of a classroom at Sepik Agricultural College

The bush-covered remains of the Sepik Agricultural College

Bush and a former staff house at the Sepik Agricultural College

The former Sepik Agriculture College will become a campus of the Vudal-based PNG University of Natural Resources and Environment in East New Britain province, with massive infrastructure development to start next year for first student enrolment in 2012.
It will be known as the Sepik Central Campus.
This is with the full blessing of Prime Minister and East Sepik MP Sir Michael Somare and the government.
Vice chancellor Prof Philip Siaguru revealed this after a fact-finding trip to the East Sepik province earlier this month.”
Minister for Commerce and Industry and Maprik MP Gabriel Kapris had initially wanted the now-closed Sepik Agriculture College to become a college of the UNRE, however, the fact-finding trip found out that it had the potential to be a campus on its own.
The UNRE, however, strongly emphasises that special financial dispensation must be provided by government or a donour agency to build infrastructure in 2010 and 2011, with the set target for first student enrolment in 2012.
The UNRE has included in its 2010 budget a round figure of K20 million to continue from the jump-start budget allocation of K5m pledged by the government for the remainder of 2009.
Infrastructure development planned for Phase One commencing next year consists of a female dormitory, two male dormitories, clinic, Christian centre, four academic staff houses, four mix staff houses, four support staff houses, administration block, estate and services, one classroom, one laboratory and one lecture hall.
Phase Two in 2011 consists of a female dormitory, two male dormitories, four academic staff houses, four mix staff houses, four support staff houses, one classroom, one laboratory, one lecture hall and a canteen.
By Phase Three in 2012, when student recruitment begins, construction will progress on a needs basis and normal application will be made through the Public Investment Plan (PIP) to progressively continue the development of the Sepik Central Campus.
“The purpose of this trip was fact finding,” Prof Siaguru said.
“The Minister for Commerce and Industry wanted Sepik Agriculture College to become a college of the university.
“But during the visit, we saw that it had huge potential, so it will not be a college but a university campus.
“We found that we can carry can carry out fisheries training at Pagwi, forestry training at Yambi and Kunjukini, livestock at Urimoi and oil palm at Turubu.
“Fisheries training facilities at Pagwi, forestry training facilities at Yambi and Kunjikini, and livestock at Urimoi.
“This means that all training programmes at the main Vudal campus will also run at the Sepik central Campus.
“Potential for training is very good.
“We have the full support of the Prime Minister.
“National Agriculture Development Programme is right behind it.
“NADP will now try to turn this plan into an NEC submission for K5 million to jumpstart the programme.”
Until its closure in 1992, the Sepik college at Bainyik, Maprik, was a lively agricultural training centre which produced quality extension officers for PNG and overseas countries such as the Solomon Islands.
It is now, however, a shocking skeleton of its former self with rundown and vandalised property covered by thick grass.
Mr Kapris at the beginning of this year wrote to Prof Siaguru to get the ball rolling, after similar letters to Pacific Adventist University, University of Techonology, Divine Word University and University of PNG failed to get any response.
He also allocated K100, 000 from his district improvement programme – with another K400, 000 to come – to kick start the project.
The re-opening of the Sepik college comes at a time when there is major agricultural development in East Sepik province through the K2.5 billion Sepik biofuel project by Cosmos Oil of Japan, and K900m agri-business development by Australian-based Chinese company SPZ Enterprises.

Dad to hang

Adopted son’s murderer sentenced to death

 

By JAMES APA GUMUNO in The National, Papua New Guinea’s No. 1 daily newspaper

 

THE National Court has sentenced a man to death by hanging for killing his adopted son using a shotgun in Wabag five years ago.

Acting judge Justice Nemo Yalo handed down the ultimate penalty in Mt Hagen last

Friday.

Ambrose Lati, a father of six from Keas village outside Wabag, was found guilty of wilful murder, under section 299 of Criminal Code Act, on March 26, 2009.

The court found that Lati killed his adopted son, Jumbo Lati, using a pump action shotgun on March 25, 2004, in Wabag town in order to take over his (deceased’s) house and land which Jumbo had inherited from his grandmother.

Jumbo was three months old when Lati and his wife Lucy adopted him. He was the son of Lina, the elder sister of Mrs Lati. They raised him together with their own five children.

Jumbo’s house and property, which he inherited, are located directly across Beat Street where his adopted father owns land and property, about 200m from the Wabag police station.

The court heard that on March 25, 2004, at about 4am, Jumbo and other neighbours were chasing some thieves who had attempted to steal a vehicle from a family in the neighbourhood.

Armed with a torch, Jumbo searched for the thieves near the Kop Creek which flows behind his house. He was worried the thieves might be hiding in his backyard.

He did not know that his adopted father was waiting for him, armed with a pump action shotgun. When Jumbo was about 15m away, Lati fired twice, but missed. The third shot, fired at point black range, killed Jumbo instantly.

Justice Yalo said this was a vicious and brutal killing where an adopted father had shown blatant disregard for the sanctity of human life.

He said he was mindful of the ever increasing community concerns about the prevalence of this particular nature of crime and their call to curb it.

He said such crime made society think that life had become so cheap, particularly in Enga province where there were more homicide offences as indicated by the records in the National Court’s registry.

He said the court was not swayed in any way in reaching the decision (on death penalty) by the recent media reports of the alleged killing of four children by their mother and the emotive public outburst that followed.

Justice Yalo said this case was decided on its merit.

He said that in this case, Lati’s pitiless and selfish economic interests had pushed him to the extent where he had shown no respect for the dignity and sanctity of the life of his adopted son.

He said the prisoner remained unremorseful for his crime, adding that crimes relating to economic interest occurring in other parts of the world like daring daylight bank robberies or hijacking of aircraft or kidnapping people for ransom had now landed in our country.

Justice Yalo said that Lati made a conscious decision to unlawfully take away the life of another fellow human being, which cannot be revived.

He said the crime not only breached section 299 of the Criminal Code, it was also a serious and flagrant breach of section 35 of the Constitution, where the right to life is provided for and protected.

“I am satisfied that the degree of moral and criminal culpability and the degree of cruelty and senselessness and the complete absence of pity exhibited by the prisoner is so grave and reprehensible that he is undeserving of a chance to live his own life.

“It is only just and fair that the prisoner should pay for the crime with his own life,” Justice Yalo said in his 44-page judgment.

He ordered that Lati be held in custody at Baisu jail and his sentence be carried out at a time and place to be appointed by the head of State, acting on advice, and that he be hanged by the neck until he is dead.

Justice Yalo also told the prisoner he had the right to appeal against the sentence, and had 40 days to do so.

 

I've nothing to hide, says Namah

From The National, Papua New Guinea’s No. 1 daily newspaper

 

FOREST Minister Belden Namah, a businessman before becoming an MP, has nothing to hide about his business activities.

Mr Namah said this in his personal explanation to Parliament last Friday.

“I have declared all my business interests to the Ombudsman Commission and I hide no secrets,” he said.

He strongly denied owning properties in Samoa and threatened to sue The National and Samoa Observer newspapers for defamation.

Launching a strong attack on the two newspapers, Mr Namah also took on Deputy Opposition leader Bart Philemon, saying he would “fix” Mr Philemon outside.

He was then asked to withdraw the remarks after Mr Philemon interjected to the chair about the nature of the threat.

He said he had instructed his lawyers to start legal proceedings against the two papers.

He said the Post-Courier did not run the story because a lawsuit was pending against that newspaper for allegedly writing a fabricated story about an alleged punch-up between himself and Treasurer Patrick Pruaitch.

Mr Namah denied owning properties in Samoa but admitted he was merely facilitating an investment arrangement between one of his overseas business partners and his local Samoan partner.

“I stand tall and proud and I hide no secrets,” he said.

“Before I became an MP, I was already into the multi-billion-dollar business of logging,” he said.

Mr Namah said he had used his company money to build roads and two bridges in his electorate before becoming an MP.

He said he was giving between K50, 000 and K100, 000 to charities as a private citizen.

“I have not squandered public funds,” he said.

He said he had fought for landowners, who were now being paid much higher royalties for their logs.

Mr Namah said he had made all declarations to the Ombudsman Commission on his business interests.

He also asked why a Papua New Guinean could not venture into businesses and buy houses in Australia.

He said there was talk recently against Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare buying houses in Australia.

He said Sir Michael had served 40 years and was the longest serving Member of Parliament, and he again asked what was wrong with the Prime Minister buying property in Australia.

“Those who hide themselves are hiding under ghost names,” he said.

“Our journalists really need to go back to school.

“They have to check with the land registry in Samoa.

“Is Namah’s name there?

“You are defaming a young politician.

“This is a pure attempt to destroy a young leader.

“Bring it on. I don’t fear.

“I have declared all my business interests to the Ombudsman Commission.”

Mr Namah was interrupted by Mr Philemon several times.

At one stage, he called a point of order, pointing to the Deputy Opposition leader and referring to him as “this son of a bishop or what”, but was asked to withdraw his un-parliamentary language.

“Some of our senior politicians are really hurt but, once again, I deny owning properties in Samoa,” Mr Namah said.

 

My Soul Mate

Received this lovely poem from my good friend Michelle today and she says it’s okay to share with all you wonderful people from around the world

 

By MICHELLE EVOA

 

Twinkle in my eye,

Heart skips a beat,

I Smile from within

My Laughter echoes

The joy I have since we crossed paths.

 

I see you in my sleep

Even when I am very awake.

The very thought of you

Makes me smile all over.

 

I anxiously await you,

For our quality time however brief

Attaches an ounce, I so very much

am yearning for.

 

Our conversations,

A window to my soul

And yet a very down trodden glimpse

Of my inner being.

 

I have in you;

My shoulder to cry on

Warmth for shelter,

A reason to smile.

You don’t need to say or do more

You are my soul mate.

 

Two questions...

Life really boils down to two questions...
1. Should I get a dog....?
OR...  
2. Should I have children?
No  matter what situations life throws at  you....
No  matter how long and treacherous your journey may seem..  
Remember  ~~ there is a light at the end of the tunnel.

New Bougainville Kina...

This guy is unbelievable! The recent notes in circulation……..

 

Bougainville conman promises investors he’ll pay them in his own currency

Posted at 08:27 on 08 July, 2009 UTC

 

One of the most wanted men in Papua New Guinea, Noah Musingku, has promised duped investors he’ll pay them in his own currency with pictures of himself and Jesus Christ on it.

Mr Musingku, who lives in a self imposed exile in Bougainville with his own militia, has been sought by PNG police for years for defrauding hundreds of millions of kina from investors through his U-Vistract money scheme.

He’s now planning to launch his "Bougainville kina".

The first secretary of the office of Bougainville’s president, Dennis Kuiai, says people shouldn’t be duped again, as the currency is illegal.

“We strongly feel that this is something that will further divide Bougainvilleans, continue to promote disunity and it’ll continue to rip Bougainvilleans off their money and at the end without realising that they’re on their losing side, they’ll lose their fortune.”

But Dennis Kuiai says they’ve asked the PNG government pardon the conman, as it would help foster peace.

News Content © Radio New Zealand International

PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand

 

We finally have our first cucumber harvest

The garden as it as before harvesting

Jr Malum, Keith and Moasing

Jr Malum, Keith and Moasing

'You reap what you sow'

Sharing the spoils of the first harvest

Keith reaches out for his share

Four luscious, green, mouth-watering cucumbers

Keith munches away on fresh backyard cucumber

And for those of you from all over the world who have been faithfully following the adventures of me, my four children and our cucumber garden, I'm pleased to report that we had our first harvest today: four lusicious, green and mouth-watering cucumbers.

As you know, it's been a long and patient wait - after the trials and tribulations of my children having their first garden ripped off by the neighbourhood bullies - however, has proved true that old adage "you reap what you sow".

And I'm happy that despite living in a city like Port Moresby, I'm teaching my children about backyard gardening and self-reliance!

Happy Gardening!

West Papua a thorn in Indonesia's side

From THE FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW 
By Bertil Lintner   17.07.09

 

The Indonesian presidential election on July 8 seems likely to give Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono another five years in office. He is ahead of other candidates in opinion polls, and his Democratic Party emerged as the country's largest in the parliamentary elections in April. A high degree of normality and stability has returned to Indonesia after years of political and social turmoil. Only a decade ago, many feared that Indonesia would break up along ethnic lines and become a "Southeast Asian Yugoslavia."

In the end, only East Timor went its own way. But that was a special case, according to the official line from Jakarta and also foreign governments. When Indonesia was proclaimed an independent state in 1945, it laid claims to all the territories of the former Dutch East Indies, which did not include the then-Portuguese colony on the eastern half of Timor island. It was invaded in 1975 and formally annexed by Indonesia the following year -- a move that was not recognized by the international community. East Timor remained on the United Nations' international list of territories that still had to be decolonized, which made it possible for the world body to intervene in 1998 and supervise a referendum on independence in 1999. East Timor became a fully independent republic in 2002.

Aceh on the northern tip of Sumatra had a far more complicated, internal insurgency. But, in August 2005, an accord was reached between the Indonesian government and the previously separatist Free Aceh Movement, or Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, ending decades of strife in that troubled territory by granting it autonomy. Less powerful centrifugal forces as well as sectarian violence in other parts of Sumatra, in the South Moluccas, or Maluku, Borneo and elsewhere, appear to have faded away.

Only one major separatist issue remains a thorn in President Yudhoyono's side: the long-simmering conflict in the western Indonesian part of the island of New Guinea. Since 2003, the area has been divided into two provinces -- Papua and West Papua, but referred to by the resistance only as "West Papua" -- and is almost constantly rocked by antigovernment protests, and the hoisting of the "Morning Star" independence flag, which is a crime in Indonesia.

In the most recent incident, demonstrators and security forces clashed in Nabire on April 6, just a few days before Indonesia's parliamentary election. According to the Australia-based NGO Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights, nine people were shot by security forces and at least one policeman was injured by traditional arrows fired by the protesters. In April 2008, several hundred demonstrators took to the streets of Jayapura, the capital of the province of Papua and previously of the entire Indonesian-held New Guinea. And in January this year, hundreds of protesters, some armed with machetes and other crude weapons, besieged a police station in the coastal Papuan town of Timika after hearing that a man had been shot during a fight between off-duty officers and local tribesmen. The police opened fire wounding at least four people.

The Indonesian English-language daily Jakarta Globe reported in its January 28 issue: "The [Indonesian] National Human Rights Commission has been monitoring the Timika police because of numerous cases of officers as well as military personnel allegedly shooting civilians, many of which remain unresolved. Last year, a 40-year-old man was shot and killed while attending a festival said to have been linked to the outlawed Free Papua Movement." The report continued: "Pro-independence sentiment in Papua has increased in recent years, fueled in part by discontent that profits from its natural resources are being siphoned out of the province with the assistance of the central government. U.S.-based Freeport McMoran Copper and Gold Co. operates mines in Papua."

Also in January this year, 11 West Papuans were found guilty of subversion and sentenced to three and three-and-a-half year prison sentences. In March last year, they had taken part in a demonstration in the town of Manokwari, where the Morning Star flag had been displayed. According to a report from the Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights: "The panel of judges led by Elsa Mutiara Napitupulu said that the men had posed a threat to the integrity of the Indonesian state in seeking the separation of West Papua. The judgment said that there had been an increase in separatist activities in the recent past throughout the whole of West Papua which were being organized from abroad."

In today's world, that is not far-fetched. The Free Papua Movement, Organisasi Papua Merdeka, maintains an office in Stockholm, Sweden, from where they are in regular e-mail contact with activists in the territory, halfway around the globe. And for the exiled leaders of the anti-Indonesian movement in West Papua, there is only one way forward for their struggle: total independence. They reject a negotiated autonomy deal, similar to what GAM has achieved for Aceh. "Autonomy is not a lasting solution," Ruben Maury from the OPM office in Sweden said. "The people want independence, not autonomy. We've already made up our minds."

What the people of Indonesian New Guinea actually want is impossible to ascertain -- but the OPM did indeed unilaterally declare independence on July 1, 1971. Yet while international rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have expressed concern over human-rights abuses in the area, the OPM's plea for independence has found few sympathizers among foreign governments. The only exceptions are small Pacific island states such as Vanuatu -- where the OPM maintains another liaison office -- and Nauru. No major powers, it seems, wants to see the dismemberment of Indonesia's sprawling archipelago, which many thought possible after former strongman Suharto fell in 1998 and liberal decentralization measures were passed. The buck stopped at East Timor.

But West Papua is still a borderline case. When the Dutch finally left Indonesia in 1949 -- four years after the declaration of independence -- they held on to their western half of New Guinea. They argued that the territory was culturally different from the rest of the old colony and, if ceded to Indonesia, the Papuans would be exploited by the more politically and economically sophisticated Javanese. The new Indonesian nation, however, saw it differently. One of the catch phrases of independence leader Sukarno was of Indonesian sovereignty "from Sabang to Merauke," from Sabang on a small island off the northwestern tip of Sumatra to the town on Merauke in southeastern Papua, i.e., the entire length and breadth of the former Dutch East Indies.

The Dutch initially ignored such sovereignty slogans and throughout the 1950s initiated several moves to make their part of New Guinea an independent state. Basic education was improved, a naval academy was opened, Papuans began to serve in the military as well as civil services and local elections were held in December 1961. The territory even adopted its own national anthem and flag with the white Morning Star, symbolizing the hope for a new day era.

All this happened at a time when Southeast Asia was in deep turmoil. Communist movements were strong throughout the region and especially in Indonesia, where it was a powerful and legal political party. The United States warned the Netherlands against trying to defend its New Guinean possession if Jakarta attempted to use force to extend its writ to Merauke. "We're victims of Cold War politics," says Daniel Kafiar, who, together with Mr. Maury, heads the OPM's Stockholm office. "No one ever asked us what we wanted. It all happened above our heads."

Among the many documents Mr. Kafiar carries in his briefcase is a copy of a secret letter from former U.S. President John F. Kennedy to then Dutch Prime Minister J E de Quay dated April 2, 1962. In that document, Kennedy warned that "this could be a war in which neither the Netherlands nor the West could win in any real sense. Whatever the outcome of particular military encounters, the entire free world position in Asia would be seriously damaged. Only the communists would benefit from such a conflict." The document continues: "If the Indonesian Army were committed to all-out war against the Netherlands, the moderate elements within the Army and the country would be quickly eliminated, leaving a clear field for communist intervention. If Indonesia were to succumb to communism in these circumstances, the whole non-communist position in Vietnam, Thailand and Malaya would be in grave peril, and as you know these are areas in which we in the United States have heavy commitments and burdens."

The Netherlands gave in and, on Aug. 15, 1962, signed an agreement in New York with Indonesia according to which the United Nations would assume temporary control over the territory. It would then be transferred to Indonesia -- but on the condition that the Papuans would have the right to decide their own future. On May 1, 1963, Indonesia took full charge of the territory and first renamed it West Irian and later Irian Jaya. In mid-1969, the promised "referendum" was eventually held, but The Act of Free Choice, as it was called, was open only to 1,025 handpicked delegates, which predictably all voted in favor of integration with Indonesia. On Nov. 19, 1969, the U.N. General Assembly accepted the results and Western countries turned a deaf ear to local protests over the dubious circumstances of the vote.

By 1965, the OPM had already been established along with an armed wing, the National Liberation Army, or OPM-TPN, and hit-and-run attacks were launched in the highlands. Mr. Maury joined the OPM in 1970, abandoning his family and a job as a pharmacist in Jayapura. He had been sent to study in the Netherlands in the 1950s as part of preparations for independence from the then Dutch colony. A better-educated middle class, it was thought, was needed to run an independent state and Mr. Maury was one of the well-schooled candidates.

In 1962, he and five other Papuans were invited to visit Indonesia, where they met President Sukarno and other state leaders. But the Papuans made no promises to Jakarta: "We told them we were on a study tour," Mr. Maury says. "They sent beautiful girls to our hotel rooms, but I didn't give in to the temptation, or to their suggestion that we should join Indonesia."

Mr. Maury spent eight years in the jungles and highlands of West Papua before he and some of his ill-equipped followers crossed into independent Papua New Guinea in 1978. But the newly independent state did not want to antagonize its powerful Indonesian neighbor, and promptly arrested the OPM fighters. In 1979, they were all released and four of them were accepted as political refugees in Sweden. Among them was Jacob Prai, one of the founders of the OPM, and John Otto Ondawame, who now represents the movement in Port Vila, Vanuatu. Mr. Kafiar arrived in Sweden a year later and the OPM established an information office in Stockholm.

They are not the only Third World revolutionary movement to have sought sanctuary in Sweden. Hasan di Tiro, the leader of the Acehnese independence movement who was able to return to Indonesia following the 2005 accords, also arrived there in the 1970s, as did representatives of the Muslim separatists in Southern Thailand and cadre from the insurgent Communist New People's Army in the Philippines. Later, even members of Peru's radical Maoist Shining Path movement took refuge in Sweden. They were all drawn by Sweden's then liberal refugee policy and it was difficult for Swedish authorities to check the background of some of the less attractive armed groups' members. That has helped fuel a popular backlash against political-asylum seekers there, which, in recent years, has led to electoral gains by anti-immigrant groups.

But as Sweden's welcome cools, the Papuans may fare better than others. Although they look as foreign as other refugees, there is plenty of interest in New Guinea in Sweden. This is largely thanks to a Swedish aristocrat and explorer, Sten Bergman, who in the 1950s spent several years in western New Guinea. His best-selling book, "My Father is a Cannibal," has been translated into several languages, and helped preserve a somewhat romantic image of life in territory's remote villages. Bergman was indeed "adopted" by a village chief who once had eaten human flesh and was dressed in little more than a penis-sheath.

For their part, the OPM delegates do not wish to capitalize on this romanticized past, but rather are trying to reach out to governments all over the world to promote their cause. In 1987, Mr. Kafiar went to Vanuatu where he met Walter Lini, the country's first prime minister. At the time, Lini and Vanuatu provided some support for the Kanak indigenous independent movement in French-held New Caledonia and was then the only country in the region to support East Timor's quest for independence.

Mr. Kafiar remained in Vanuatu for two years before returning to Sweden, and the Vanuatu office has been taken over by Mr. Ondawame and Andy Ayamiseba, who the Stockholm-based representatives see as closet moles for Indonesia. That's in part a reflection of the deep-seated factionalism within the OPM, which is bidding to forge a unified state from an area with hundreds of different languages and clans, many of which have historically been at war with each other.

In comparison, the Aceh movement was fairly unified and many feel the OPM would find it difficult to establish a coherent sense of nationhood among the Papuans. They just need look across the border into Papua New Guinea, which many observers consider a nearly failed state with rampant crime, murder rates among the world's highest, and severe environmental degradation driven by an economy almost entirely dependent on the export of raw natural resources. Still, the OPM's Stockholm representatives see separation from Indonesia as just the first step; the next would be a union with Papua New Guinea. "Historically, our ties have been with Oceania. Our connections have always been eastwards, not westwards," Mr. Kafiar says. "The border between western and eastern New Guinea was drawn up in Europe in the late 19th century, with a pen and a ruler," he asserts. "It's a straight line. People have relatives on both side of the frontier."

But before independence or unification with New Guinea could happen -- if that ever materialized -- the western half would have to deal with fundamental demographic changes that have taken place over the past few decades. Between 1975 and 1995, a government-sponsored migration program resettled tens of thousands of people, mainly from Java, in Irian Jaya. In addition, many people from other, more densely populated parts of Indonesia moved to the territory, attracted by business opportunities and the search for new lands to cultivate. In a July 2007 document titled "West Papuan Churches' Deepest Concern and Appeal to the International Community," local church leaders stated: "The current composition of the West Papuan population is 30% native and 70% migrants. The native West Papuans have been marginalized in all aspects of life."

Even if exaggerated, the statement reflects the new demographic composition and cause for potential conflicts in Papuan society. The native Papuans are mostly Animist or Christian, while the new migrants are predominantly Muslim. Groups of Islamic extremists are also known to have visited the territory, leading to fears that the kind of sectarian fighting that tore apart the Maluku islands from 2000 to 2002 could one day erupt in Papua and West Papua. The delicate demographic and religious balance in Indonesia's two easternmost provinces is perhaps the reason why outside powers seem to prefer a continuation of the status quo rather than advocate the OPM's separation from Indonesia. The Papuans may be victims of Cold War politics, as Mr. Maury and Mr. Kafiar argue, but two generations later the situation has become more ethnically complicated.

As such, unrest in the area is likely to continue, even if the OPM these days lacks the forces to resist Indonesia's mighty military. However, recent demonstrations in Manokwari, Jayapura and elsewhere could serve as warnings for more conflict and resistance to come in one of Indonesia's most remote and strife-torn provinces. The OPM's armed struggle in the highlands has been succeeded by a civil movement in urban areas, and that could be even more difficult for the central authorities to contain than jungle guerrilla warfare. After decades of mismanagement and dubious policies, President Yudhoyono, if re-elected, may be forced to take a fresh look at the Papuan issue -- because it is not likely to go away like other, more easily solvable ethnic conflicts in the Indonesian archipelago.

Mr. Lintner is a journalist based in Thailand.

Expect improvements in trade finance, say APEC members

Singapore, 17 July 2009 – A survey among the APEC economies has shown that 10 out of 18 surveyed APEC economies expect that the trade financing situation should ease over the next six months.  Nevertheless, the situation still bears watching given continued uncertainty in credit conditions.
The trade finance survey was conducted by Singapore, which chairs the APEC meetings this year, following the discussion on trade financing at the APEC Senior Officials’ Meeting – Senior Finance Officials’ Meeting (SOM-SFOM) Dialogue held in Singapore in February 2009.
The survey found that trade finance was an area of concern for most APEC economies, with 16 out of 18 economies surveyed saying that they faced some problems in trade financing.  The most commonly cited reasons for tightness in trade financing were increased risk aversion of financial institutions towards companies, higher perceived counterparty risks, and general liquidity shortage in the economy.  In particular, of the 16 economies that faced trade financing problems in their economies, 13 economies noted that risk aversion of financial institutions towards companies had increased since the onset of the global economic crisis late last year.  In contrast, only 2 economies felt that the trade financing problem was precipitated by higher capital costs or increased capital requirements of banks.
The survey also found that APEC economies had the general mechanisms to tackle the trade finance challenge. 17 of the 18 surveyed APEC economies already had existing programmes to support trade finance in their economies.  In response to the crisis, 15 of the 18 surveyed economies had implemented new programmes, or enhanced existing schemes, to support trade finance in their economies. In particular, half of these 18 economies implemented new or enhanced export credit insurance schemes.
The survey results on trade financing were presented at the APEC SOM-SFOM Symposium held in Singapore on Friday, 17 July 2009. APEC Officials and Ministers will further discuss the survey results over the next few days of the APEC meetings in Singapore, as part of their broader deliberations on APEC’s response to the global economic crisis.

For more information, contact:

Carolyn Williams at cdw@apec.org or at (65) 9617 7316

Anita Douglas at ad@apec.org or at (65) 9172 6427

 

 

 

SCHOOL FUNDRAISING RAFFLE TICKETS

Dear Parents and Friends,

 Zion Zeal Christian Preschool wishes to announce that it is doing its major fundraising drive in the form of "Raffle Ticket Sales" to build new classrooms and requests if parents and friends working in different corporate and public bodies can assist by buying the tickets and/or support to sell the tickets.

 PRIZES:

Grand Prize - CRV Honda - Supplied by Wheels PNG Limited

 2nd Prize - 15 Horse Power Suzuki Speed Boat - Supplied by PNG Motors

 3 rd Prize - Airline ticket for 2 to any destination in PNG with K500 spending money.

 4th Prize - Computer Set  and many more consolation prizes.

 TICKET - ONLY K2.00

 Current parents can collect the books at the school. Others who wish to help the school in its fundraising can do so by indicating the number of book you wish to sell (100 tickets in a book) for us and give us your contact and location of work and we will drop it off.

 You support in this worthy cause will go a long way in promoting "Charater Development Education in PNG through Godly Principles".

 Contact Michael Kumung - School Chairman on this email and or by phone on 326 0247 or Mobile 715 71386.

 Thank you and God Bless.

 Michael

 

APEC 2009 Leaders' Week - Media accreditation begins 27 July

Media wishing to access meeting venues and facilities at APEC 2009 Leaders' Week meetings must be registered and accredited.  This will take place from 27 July – 9 October 2009.

Please visit the APEC 2009 website (www.apec2009.sg) for more information.

Details for the booking of media booths and related facilities at the International Media Centre will be released at a later date.

In the meantime, queries should be directed to:

Ms Crystal Neo at 6837 9347 or at crystal_neo@mica.gov.sg or Mr Goh Chian Hao at 6837 9611 or at goh_chian_hao@mica.gov.sg

 

Pipe dream becomes a reality for Ilaita Gigimat

Ilaita Gigimat warming up for the wedding in Lae

Ilaita Gigimat (left) in a bagpipes session with former members of the PNG Defence Force Pipes and Drums

Ilaita Gigimat (fourth from right) and his group doing a presentation at the 2007 Summer School for Pipers & Drummers in Christchurch, New Zealand

It was at the wedding in Lae two weeks ago of Dobbin Laka and Evelyn Faunt that the groom’s uncle Ilaita Gigimat blew a tune on his bagpipes at the Cassowary Road United Church.
Mr Gigimat, for those who came in late, is a former champion basketballer who represented PNG at the 1975 South Pacific Games in Guam and the 1979 SPG in Fiji.
He would have liked to have blown longer, having brought his beloved bagpipes all the way from Port Moresby for the occasion, however, time did not allow for this.
Bagpipes are normally associated with Scotsmen and kilts, and are also synonymous with the Pipes and Drums of the PNG Defence Force, but this 54-year-old New Ireland man has taken to the instrument like a duck to water.
He has even paid for his own travel to New Zealand in 2007 just to further his skills in playing the bagpipe.
This is what is called the National Summer School and brings together bagpipers from Australia and New Zealand.
Mr Gigimat has already registered two associations - PNG Pipe Band Association and Port Moresby City Pipes and Drums – and is regularly invited to play at weddings, parties and even funerals.
Later, as we chatted at the Lae International Hotel, Mr Gigimat told me of how he had had first taken to the instrument at the age of 50.
Everything has a beginning, and it all started in the late 1960s while he was growing up in his village on Nusalik Island, and the isles overlooking the sleepy town of Kavieng.
This period of pre-independence saw the establishment of some strategic development programmes for the Territory of PNG by the colonial administration.
One of the thriving government institutions in those days that captured the imagination of Papua New Guineans was the Pacific Islands Regiment.
Kavieng was one of the ports of call for the Regimental Pipes and Drums from the 1st and 2nd Battalions of Taurama and Moem Barracks, and it was then that the young Mr Gigimat was exposed to the sound of bagpipes.
He came to love the sound of this Scottish instrument, and from thereon, wished to be in the army and become a piper.
The best he could do was to join the Rabaul High School Cadet Unit.
But following the Caribou crash involving several cadets in Wau, Morobe province in 1972, he was advised by his elder brother not to continue in the cadet unit and his dreams were put on hold until several years later.
As fate would have it, during the Christmas of 1997, while Mr Gigimat and his wife were in Canberra, they met a Scotsman who put him in contact with Pipe Major Vic Groehert of the Canberra City Pipes and Drums.
Major Gorhert showed him how to play a wooden practice chanter, which is a replica of the bagpipes, on which the beginner starts to play.
To cut a long story short, after the Gigimats returned to PNG in early 1998, he was on the practice chanter for five years on his own.
It was in 2003 that he bought a secondhand set of pipes for K2, 000 from Andrew Johnson, who had his origins in Scotland.
So keen was Mr Gigimat to buy the instrument that he took out a K2, 000 loan for this purpose.
The pipes were sent to Brisbane for repair, thanks to the generosity of Moresby South MP Dame Carol Kidu, who paid for the cost of repair.
“I was a late starter but I pursued my interest,” Mr Gigimat recalls.
“And I’m still learning.
“The bagpipes is a very difficult instrument to play because it requires the full coordination of your body.
“My first attempt was in 2004.
“That was in Port Moresby.
“I was then working with Pangtel when I started playing.
“It was by sheer trial and error.
“When I was with Pangtel, I’d wait for everyone to leave work, so that I could lock up the place and play.”
Following the guidelines step by step, he was able to produce the sound on the bag, and although wavering at first, he learned to control and maintain the steady sound of the bagpipes.
This so amazed Mr Gigimat that he continued this for the next three weeks, eventually being able to play a simple tune called Amazing Grace.
At home, while the family was asleep, he’d take the bagpipe and close off the drones so that he could hear what it sounded like.
Mr Gigimat also met an ex PNGDF piper, Tony Tore, who taught him more about handling and blowing the bagpipes.
“I now knew that I could play,” he remembers.
“I had to continue to practice and practice.”
One day, a now-confident Mr Gigimat suggested to Mr Tore that they go to Taurama Barracks and use the band hut to try out a few tunes that he had already learned by memory.
He wanted to surprise his mentor that he could already play these tunes on the bagpipes, and at the band hut, suggested tunes that he’d already practiced silently the previous week: My Home, Going Home, Morag of Dunvegan and Liklik Boy.
So, in January 2005, Mr Gigimat could hear himself playing these tunes alongside one of the best pipers the PNGDF Pipes and Drums had ever produced.
He had graduated as a self-taught civilian piper and fulfilled his lifelong childhood dream of playing the Scottish bagpipes.
And what of the future?
“I think there’s a lot of future in pipes and drums,” Mr Gigimat says.
“I’m just trying to show that it’s possible to have a civilian pipe band, with the opportunity to provide tuition to those who want to learn.
“It’s a great opportunity, however, for the association to move forward, it needs a lot of funding from business houses and the government.
“Once you have funding, you can do anything, such as teaching young people the basics of playing pipes and drums.
“I’d be appreciative of any financial assistance, as well as support I can draw from ex member of the PNGDF Pipes and Drums.
“At this point in time, I haven’t received any assistance, but I haven’t given up.
“I’m also looking at the National Capital District Commission to take ownership of the band so that they can use it for their promotional purposes.”
Mr Gigimat can be contacted on email igigimat@iccc.gov.pg.

World Bank to support coffee

Coffee Industry Corporation chief executive officer Ricky Mitio has called on all industry stakeholders to face the realities of social and economic decisions they make to advance the industry.
Mr Mitio made the call at a recent meeting with World Bank representatives who were in the country to gauge the view of coffee stakeholders.
The meeting included coffee farmers, processors, exporters, donor partners and government officials.
The bank is looking at opportunities to invest in the cocoa and coffee industries.
After financing oil palm, the bank believes that these industries involve smallholder growers; therefore, its support would have a huge impact on rural livelihoods.
The meeting was timely as CIC is unpacking its three key pillars in the strategic plan which was launched in 2008.
The review of the plan includes realigning programmes and projects so that they are outcome-based.
The CIC will consider and include programs that the World Bank proposes as part of the review.
However, Mr Mitio cautioned that contributions of partners, especially donors, must synergise and were not duplicated so that resources including finance were meaningfully deployed towards targeted programmes of the National Agriculture Development Programme.
“It also allows for priorities of the coffee industry to take precedence over those with pre-occupied negative interests,” he said.
“In addition, these interventions must be consistent with the government development agenda.
“Stakeholders need to communicate and forge strategic partnerships and use the opportunities presented by the National Agricultural Development Plan and other donor agencies.”
Mr Mitio said there was a need to conduct socio-economic studies to ascertain grower behavior so that services and incentives were tailored and relevant to their needs and aspirations.
“More so, interventions pursued must be context-based,” he said.
“The industry is blessed with experiences which can be used to foster and advance the sector using innovative approaches.”

Tobacco causes mouth diseases

Papua New Guinea minister in Samoa deals

Caption: Papaloloa House in Apia, Samoa, which Forest Minister Belden Namah reportedly bought for S$1.49 million (about K1.4 million), according to the Samoa Observer newspaper. Mr Namah says he merely facilitated an investment for his overseas business partners.

 

From The National, Papua New Guinea’s No. 1 daily newspaper

 

Namah denies top Apia properties are his

 

A SENIOR Papua New Guinea Government minister has been linked to the purchase of prime properties in the South Pacific nation of Samoa.

Forest Minister Belden Namah was named by the Samoa Observer newspaper in a front page report yesterday as the major buyer of prime properties, worth more than K4 million, in the capital, Apia – a claim he denied.

The Government of Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare is already embroiled in a similar controversy back home, with the Government gagging debate in Parliament last week about the circumstances surrounding Public Enterprises Minister Arthur Somare’s purchase of a K1.2 million property in the far north Queensland town of Trinity Beach, near Cairns, recently.

The Opposition said last night it would demand answers from Sir Michael on Mr Namah’s property dealings in Samoa.

Mr Namah’s lawyer yesterday threatened to sue the Samoa Observer over the report, saying: “He has merely facilitated an investment arrangement between one of his overseas business partners and his local Samoan partner.

“Mr Namah’s association with these property investments has been with and through his local partner and as the contact for his business partner abroad,” his lawyers, Tuala & Samau Lawyers, said in Apia.

The Samoa Observer reported yesterday: “Eyebrows were raised recently when it emerged a Papua New Guinea Cabinet Minister has started buying prime properties around Apia.

“This week it has been revealed Belden Namah, PNG’s Minister of Forests, has spent and committed a total of more than S$5 million buying local properties.

“He arrived in Samoa several months ago and started negotiations to purchase those properties.”

“Included in them is Chan Chui Co Ltd on Taufusi Road, one of Apia’s oldest companies. It was bought for ‘more than S$2 million’, confirmed Mr Namah’s lawyer in Apia, Siaki Tuala, on Wednesday.

“Mr Paul Chan Chui, who is understood to be the person to speak to on this purchase, could not be reached for a comment.

“But Chan Chui’s two-storey building has since been pulled down. It looks as if a new building will be built to replace it.

“The second purchase is of a two-storey home at Papaloloa which Mr Namah bought for S$1.49 million,” the Samoa Observer reported.

However, Tuala & Samau Lawyers said yesterday that none of the investment properties named in the newspaper story were registered or held in Mr Namah’s name.

“This is because he has merely facilitated an investment arrangement between one of his overseas business partners and his local Samoan partner, whom his business partners have met and trust.

“Mr Namah’s association with these property investments has been with and through his local partner and as the contact for his business partner abroad.

“They have viewed and negotiated for the properties together and hence the misconception that you have further fuelled that he is the buyer for all these properties.

“His role in all this is to facilitate the investment arrangements with his local partner and provide advice and feedback regarding the properties back to his overseas business partners.

“This investment in property is in no way illegal or unusual and is a positive benefit to our economy and for all those concerned,” Tuala & Samau Lawyers said.

Attempts by The National to contact Mr Namah for further comments yesterday were unsuccessful.

 

Papua New Guinea in the news, for all the wrong reasons

By SINCLAIRE SOLOMON in The National, Papua New Guinea’s No. 1 daily newspaper

 

PAPUA New Guinea made headline news this week in neighbouring South Pacific local media – but for all the wrong reasons.

Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare started the media controversy after returning from Vanuatu to announce PNG’s support for the military dictatorship in Fiji.

The Opposition reacted immediately, saying Sir Michael had sent the wrong message to people in the region in supporting an illegal regime which was destroying parliamentary democracy in Fiji.

Then the Government used its superior numbers in Parliament to gag debate and questions being raised by the Opposition over an Australian property purchase by Public Enterprises Minister Arthur Somare.

The house is located at Trinity Beach, Cairns. Mr Somare explained he had to sell a property in Boroko to buy the house, and was servicing both mortgages.

PNG’s relations with its neighbours took another nosedive when The Solomon Star newspaper in Honiara reported that outgoing high commissioner Parai Tamei had women problems – one died in a vehicle he was in and another had smashed a back glass window of the high commission vehicle.

The newspaper reported that although police investigated, no one was arrested or charged.

Yesterday, Foreign Affairs and Immigration Minister Sam Abal said “appropriation action” would be taken against Mr Tamei if he was found to have breached public service laws.

If that was not enough, Indonesian patience was tested with continued claims by Sandaun officials that a PNG youth who was shot dead by Indonesian soldiers near the northern border in June was a Papua New Guinea citizen.

Jakarta maintained, for the second time yesterday, that the youth, Isac Psakor, was a native of Bewan in Keerom district and was recovering from gunshot wounds in a Jakarta hospital.

And the latest adverse publicity on high-profile PNG figures came out of Apia, Samoa, with the Samoa Observer newspaper claiming that Forest Minister Belden Namah had gone on a property buying spree.

Mr Namah’s lawyers have denied that the properties are his.