By SCOTT WAIDE
We came to Benny Mangua's village at about Midday. This trip was for a story of how a foreign company allowed into the country by the government of Papua New Guinea was treating the local people - the original owners of the land.
I had packed a camera and several tapes not expecting anything major apart from a few disgruntled landowners who had not been paid their dues. As I was going to discover, I'd come to Kurumbukari mine site quite unprepared mentally.
Benny Mangua an elderly man of in his mid sixties greeted a teammate of mine, Steven Sukot - quite warmly but then whilst I shot a few seconds of footage, the old man broke down and wept. Steven responded as any Papua New Guinean would – embracing the old man and tried to calm him down as best he could.
"My tears keep falling. I've lost my land. I've lost my home."
He continued to weep as I brought the camcorder around to him and clumsily adjusted the audio settings . In 10 years of television this, to me, was truly a rare moment. I never dreamed that I would live to see the day when this happened. This was a Papua New Guinean landowner who had been forced off his land by a foreign company. Benny Mangua of the Mauri Clan was born and raised on this land on which his ancestors had settled many generations ago. In a matter of months, he had become a landless Papua New Guinean.
"I've become like a parasite. I have no place to stay."
He wasn't exaggerating when he said it. For Benny Mangua's entire clan's land area contains some the richest nickel deposits in the Southern Hemisphere. It is here that the Chinese owned company – MCC - will begin the controversial US1.4 billion dollar nickel mining project.
About 50 of his clan members left for a temporary resettlement area – a forbidden, sacred site where Benny Mangua's ancestral spirits dwell. It was a kilometer from where we were. But sacred as it was to the Mauri Clan of Kurumbukari, the site has been designated as a stockpile area for nickel ore.
Only two houses now stand on Mauri clan land. Both belong to Benny Mangua's two sons - Peter Kepma and his younger brother, John. They've refused to leave.
"There is a permanent relocation area. But the land belongs to another person... another clan, says Peter Kepma. "If we go and live on the blocks of land there, we won't be able to plant food gardens or hunt."
MCC began issuing food rations to the Mauri clan since the relocation began. But the clan members say the food rations can only last them a few days.
" The company is annoyed that we made gardens here," John Kepma says pointing to cassava and taro growing on the stockpile area. "Even where the forest is… they don't allow us to plant food.
"But we have to. If we don't we'll starve to death."
John Kepma chuckles as he tells me about the company's attitude towards local people.
"If we have a problems and we try to bring it to the company's attention, they treat it like a criminal matter."
Police have came to his elder brother's house eight times already. Peter Kepma is the more serious type. Quiet undemanding yet stubborn.
"They tried to intimidate me," he says. "They came well dressed in their uniforms and carrying their weapons. But I told them: "You're not from China. You all own land just like me… I'm here because of my land. This isn't State land. This is my land and I've still got it."
To say "the Mauri clan faces a difficult future" is a gross understatement. As I filmed along the track leading to the temporary settlement, a five year old girl, walks ahead of me. She is in the shot nimbly picking her way through the kunai grass. I can see the audio levels on my camcorder peaking to the patter of her tiny feet on the yellow nickel rich earth.
I wondered if she understood why the old man had wept in front of total strangers about half an hour earlier.
He understood very well that She would not have the pleasure of learning the ways of old on her grandfather's land nor gather eggs from the forest like her mother's mother did many years ago. The old man understood that unlike other Papua New Guinean's she was leaving behind the land that sustained her ancestors for generations. She was leaving behind her past and future.
- Scott Waide was as a senior Journalist for EMTV and Producer for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. He currently works as a documentary producer.
By SOLDIER BURUKA of DAL
The Government’s export driven and green revolution policies are well and truly serving the interests of the rural farmers.
This was evident especially for rubber growers in the Manus province who have faced difficulties in transporting their cup lump rubber for processing and export to overseas markets.
Thanks to the PNG Defence Force, the PNGS Seeadler was mobilised last week to assist in transporting 33 bags or 600kg of cup lump rubber from Manus to
As part of its civil-military cooperation, the PNGDF has agreed to use its aircraft and naval vessels to assist rural and remote communities transport their agricultural produce to markets.
With the support of the commanding officer of the Naval Base in Lombrum, Manus, the shipment of the rubber was done on a trial basis, however, farmers and the provincial division of agriculture and livestock are very excited.
The successful outcome of the trial shipment will determine whether the PNGDF will continue to provide similar assistance in the future.
The shipped rubber from Manus was unloaded and transported to the Galley Reach Holding rubber factory at Doa in Central province.
The last shipment of rubber from Manus to Galley Reach factory was in 2004.
Manus agriculture advisor Benedict Bulungol said the assistance from the PNGDF was appreciated and a boost to morale of farmers who had struggled for many years to transport their produce.
He said rubber production was small due to lack of market, however, plans were in place to revitalise smallholder planting.
Currently, there are 126 farmers and there is potential to increase production to 100 tonnes per year.
Mr Bulungol said the strategy to revive rubber included conducting awareness and mobilising farmers, carrying out rehabilitation and introducing high-yielding planting materials, capacity building including training, transportation and marketing of cup lump rubber and establishment of cooperative societies.
He said the provincial administration, with the support of National Department of Agriculture and Livestock, PNGDF and relevant agencies aimed to win back the confidence of the farmers.
The support by the navy in transporting the rubber has rekindled the interest of farmers in the province, who have been waiting for such assistance for a long time.
“Rubber, like the other cash crops in Manus is an existing commodity and redeveloping the industry is the responsibility of the division of agriculture and livestock, the farmers, local level
governments and all stakeholders,” Mr Bulungol said.
“The rubber industry in Manus can be revived and has the potential to grow, given the right support from relevant stakeholders.
“The immediate beneficiaries are the farmers, women and children who have suffered for a long time.
“The revival of rubber will assist in providing cash income earning opportunities and improve the standard of living in the rural communities.”
Caption: The forests of Yus are critical habitats for Huon (or Matschie’s) tree kangaroos, an endangered species that is one of Earth’s unique creatures
By YVONNE NGUTLICK of CIC
Coffee Industry Corporation’s extensive extension services have paid off again following the signing of a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Tree Kangaroo Conservation Programme (TKCP in Lae, Morobe province.
TKCP is a programme of the Woodland Park Zoo, a non-profit organisation based in
It has offices in Lae and
The TKCP works closely with Conservation International (CI) and other like organisations in PNG and throughout the world.
The MOU should see coffee farmers in the Yupna, Urawa and Som (YUS) areas of the Kabwum district producing coffee grown under environmental conservative practices that target gourmet coffee buyers who value such systems and offer premium prices.
CIC’s extension services and firm commitment to local development through coffee shares the same vision as TKCP to improve the livelihood of communities.
The MOU outlines the philosophies through which TKCP and CIC Ltd intend to work together over the next two years.
It focuses on delivering a series of technical trainings on garden management and quality improvement to coffee growers around the YUS Conservation Area of Kabwum district, under the broad project goal of improving livelihoods through coffee sales.
Given its isolation from main centers, the YUS areas derive their income from minor sales of fresh food and coffee.
All smallholder coffee growers there are accessible only by air transport thus growers would be mobilised into groups to attain maximum possible income.
The CIC appreciates the opportunity to work with TKCP and to integrate conservation and landscape planning into its extension programmes.
This partnership should pave the way for CIC to gain an understanding of conservation in coffee production and an add-on to their much-admired extension services throughout PNG.
Caption: Farmer Apo Airo and FPDA horticulture advisor for Southern region Michael Atuai displaying vegetables that can be grown in Goilala
GOILALA area has been found to be the greatest potential producer of temperate vegetables in Central province.
This is according to a recent finding of an agricultural technical team that has been tasked by Central province Governor Alphonse Moroi.
The team was sent out to all districts of the province in February to establish an agricultural development database for Central province.
The team visited all the districts the province, talking to people and identifying their development constraints and possible intervention strategies.
Fresh Produce Development Agency was also part of this technical team, and was represented by Southern region horticulture advisor Michael Atuai.
The development of the database, according to Mr Atuai, would be to identify possible projects and a pairing matrix would be used to prioritise projects.
With the identification of possible projects aimed at improving rural livelihoods, partnerships would be established with organisations and individuals with common interest to help the rural people of Central province.
Mr Atuai said “One of the major areas would be the LNG market and the need to establish potential production areas, improve the market chain and provide technical assistance, by sourcing both external and internal assistance.”
“Of all the districts visited by the team, Goilala stood out as having the greatest potential of producing the temperate vegetables as similar to those to those grown in the Highlands of PNG.”
He added Mr Moroi believed that shortening the value chain, improving post-harvest practices and proper packaging of vegetables would see city residents enjoy high quality vegetables on a consistent basis.
“
“Mr Moroi would want to see that that all other districts in Central province who have great land masses with huge potential for vegetable production would receive assistance.
“This would include establishment of some irrigation practices with some soil improvement to turn the large flat areas into productive areas.
“The Governor does not want the people of Central province to be bystanders, rather be partakers in major developments such as the LNG.”
Meanwhile, the FPDA would be a key partner in the whole activity.
The vegetable component of the agriculture sector would have high prominence due to
FPDA would hence be playing a pivotal role in the whole market chain in the vegetable industry in Central province.
The current demand for food and the likely increase to come due to the LNG project would see demand rise further, therefore, it would be wiser to mobilise resources closer to the market due to PNG’s poor marketing infrastructure where quality of fresh produce deteriorate very quickly n transit over long distances.
Apart from the direct royalty and employment benefits, the rural people of Central province will be empowered to take on and benefit from the LNG project by empowering the rural economic sector.
The coastal people are also very good seafarers and that potential will also be tapped into through assistance to be sought for marine products.
Another crop that is also to be looked into is the arabica coffee, which is grown in the higher altitudes, while robusta grows well in the lowlands.
Smallholder rubber producers and cocoa and coconut farmers will also be assisted through the agricultural development database currently being established.
Livestock activities are also being seriously considered due to large flat land masses in Central province.
Improved pastures and drinking water for the free ranging ruminant and other improved establishment for other animals like poultry and pigs would also be taken into account.
The team has also identified through consultation that infrastructure has to be in place and in good condition for successful agricultural production and marketing. Infrastructure includes marketing facilities, roads and bridges and airstrips to remote locations.
The need for district marketing depots has surfaced and the team is seriously considering district depots in Central province that will feed the main Boroko market facility that will be in place soon.
This article, author unknown, is circulating on the Internet
Papua New Guinea is on the verge of being a failed State.
The country is facing a very difficult future.
The economy has grown slowly or come to a stop despite new LNG deals with foreign corporations, the outlook for growth is bleak because of the continued lawlessness and the continued corrupt practices revealed by the media and heavily promoted by the government of Michael Somare and Puka Temu.
Corruption is rife everywhere you look and however you look at it, it’s taken a toll on the lifeblood and development of this country, it’s a disease, it’s spreading in all facets of the government to even the lowest-paid individual in the office.
Law and order have broken down; we have seen in the past eight months an increase in the number of jail breakouts in Papua New Guinea and it is truly unsafe to go out or even visit at night.
Recently 12 hardcore prisoners with the aid of people in authority managed to escape Bomana’s high security prison.
People who are behind this escape have been identified but knowing the weak laws and the laidback culture posed by everyone you will have to bet your life savings if there are people arrested to face justice.
In my mind I know nothing will happen.
The government is very weak in its approach in apprehending people implicated in crises that have started in the country.
What I am saying here is that there is too much talk about this and that but when it comes to the crunch of arresting and putting criminals behind bars, the people in authority have a weak spot.
We have had Commissions of Inquiry one after the other yet nothing is happening - no one is arrested; we know very well that Somare is protecting people close to him and himself.
I thought that Sir Mekere was a renegade PM but at least he was not afraid to speak his mind; he brought much-needed changes to PNG.
The man we have now as PM has leeched this country’s lifeblood and the next generations of Papua New Guineans will pay for his stupid decisions.
The country’s borders are unmanned, an influx of illegal activities is taking place on and across these borders yet there is no stamp of authority or any concerns shown by this government to curtail issues there.
The country has become a safe haven for terrorists from Afghanistan and Pakistan who can easily bribe their way through the PNG/Indonesian border.
Under this current government's watch, high level white collar crime is rampant. Nepotism and wantokism is now taken to an all new levels with the appointments of cohorts that relate one way or another to Somare or the Somare business and political dynasty.
Should this downward trajectory continue, Papua New Guinea could become a "failed state”.
Just last week the Public Accounts Committee lauded five out of the 1000+ government departments, agencies, provincial governments and statutory organisations on the rather poor and somewhat uncanny approach taken by them in reporting the financial management and administration of these organisations by State funds.
Violent crime rates are escalating, crimes against the family, crimes against humanity like those relating to sorcery are soaring, yet these are not that important to the ruling National Alliance Party - they are only interested in consolidating their numbers because in the coming months there is likely to be a vote of no-confidence in Parliament.
Recent rift between party stalwarts from two regions are now not having confidence in the leadership of Somare.
At first glance, such pessimism may seem misplaced.
Despite the difficulties of governing a geographically scattered and ethnically diverse population of some 800 language groups, Papua New Guinea has remained intact.
A peace process eventually brought an end to the devastating secessionist war in its province of Bougainville.
Unlike many postcolonial states, Papua New Guinea has maintained a record of formal democracy since independence from Australia in 1975.
Changes of government have been regular and constitutional.
But the chaos, violence and fraud that marred the 2002 elections and the 2007 elections indicate an emerging crisis of governance and state legitimacy.
Somare’s handpicked Electoral Commissioner and cousin Andrew Trawen made it his business to ensure candidates from the National Alliance Party and those that were from the Highlands provinces of Southern Highlands, Enga, Western Highlands, Simbu, Eastern Highlands won their elections.
Documentary evidence of falsifying totals to propel voting numbers show there was widespread corruption and widespread bribery involved.
Anyone that Andrew Trawen saw as a treat to Somare was dealt with it diligently.
There is now evidence that Paias Wingti was snubbed and robbed of the Western Highlands Regional seat by Andrew Trawen.
It is clear, on the eve of being declared, Tom Olga made an SOS plea to Anderson Agiru, who at that time was declared winner of the Southern Highlands Regional Seat.
MrAgiru was in Mt. Hagen at that time at the Highlander Hotel.
He was visited by Tom Olga who pleaded with him to ask if Somare could intervene and help him dismantle the big threat.
Mr Agiru called Somare who was in Wewak at that time and updated him on the Western Highlands issue.
After 10 minutes a call from Michael Somare to Andrew Trawen made Tom Olga win the seat.
Clearly Wingti was robbed off his seat because he was a threat to the Government of Somare.
Australia will not be able to quarantine the consequences if its nearest neighbour falls apart.
The two countries are separated at their closest points by a short island hop across the Torres Strait.
Papua New Guinea's population is expected to double to nearly 10 million by 2025. Should internal conditions worsen for its people, Queensland - Australia's northernmost state - could become the front line for a potential flood of illegal migrants and refugees.
They could pose both a health and security risk, given the high rates of AIDS infection in Papua New Guinea.
The fragility of Papua New Guinea also has broader regional security implications.
Weak states are easy prey for terrorists and transnational criminals.
Although Papua New Guinea has not been identified as a major target for transnational criminal activity, a small but significant firearms-for-marijuana trade across the Torres Strait, then inland to highly populated Highlands provinces by canoe and dingy via the Fly, Kikori and Purari Rivers has already contributed to the corrosive effects of rising crime and violence in Papua New Guinea's major towns and its Highland region.
This increased availability of, and resort to, arms makes conflict more protracted and difficult to resolve, particularly when warlords and criminals outnumber and outgun PNG police and the PNG Defence Force.
Grim prognoses for the future of Papua New Guinea are growing, but the worst has not yet happened.
It has so far "muddled through" despite severe economic difficulties and political instability.
But several trends suggest that each year of "muddling" ultimately reduces the prospect of getting "through."
Living standards and annual per capita income have barely improved in Papua New Guinea since Independence.
Mining revenues and generous foreign aid have not been invested in roads, schools and health services.
Infant and maternal mortality rates in Papua New Guinea are closer to those of sub-Saharan African countries than to the rest of the Asia-Pacific region.
Population growth is high and job creation low.
The rising number of unemployed young people, particularly in urban areas, leads to demoralisation, feeding crime and civil unrest.
The extent of lawlessness scares off investors and tourists, reinforcing a downward spiral in which not enough jobs are created and law and order get worse.
Some doubt about the "muddle through" scenario must also arise from the erosion of the subsistence safety net that has enabled ordinary Papua New Guineans to weather hard times in the past.
Crime has spread to the countryside so that gardens and houses are no longer safe from thieves.
Villagers are robbed taking their coffee to market.
Impassable roads and broken and unsafe bridges make local trade in goods difficult.
The resulting hardship is taking its toll on traditional village life, fuelling the movement of people into cities and towns.
For the past 28 years Australia has played the role of disinterested donor, respecting the sovereign right of Papua New Guinea to make its own choices by supporting its development since 1975 with more than $12 billion in Australian taxpayer funded aid.
But little development has taken place.
Moreover, the nature of aid makes it part of the problem, not the solution.
Dependence on donors has enabled Papua New Guinea to live beyond its means; the government postpones the need to tackle problems because it can always be confident that international help will come to the rescue.
A fundamental review of Australian policy toward Papua New Guinea is urgently needed.
Conditions must be enforced on how aid is used and dispersed.
But even strictly controlled aid is pointless if Papua New Guinea policies do not change. Without progress on basic issues like the economy, civil discipline and official prosecutions for corruption, no outside help, no matter how well-intentioned, will have an impact on the country's entrenched problems.
